By Donewell Muzivi and Panashe Muchongwe
Without doubt the secede process of “Mthwakazi Republic” since 2018, is likely to motivate armed conflict in Zimbabwe. As it stands, issue remains in need to transitional justice approaches as it is partly emotionally attached to the Gukuraundi massacre of 1982. Thus, the Mthwakazi movement is not an issue to be grilled down in the bid to secure state security in Zimbabwe. Thereby calling the government of Zimbabwe and the National Peace Reconciliation Commission (NPRC) to capture in the transitional justice frameworks to address the Mthwakazi movement. Thus addressing fairly by means of segmental autonomy and proportional representation in the cabinet consequently do away with “the winner takes it all” approach.
Examining the creation of a regional human rights network, Abammeli, within the context of regional and ethnic politics is Mthwakazi Liberation Front (MLF). Despite serving as the primary defence council in the Gwisai treason trial at the time, Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) lawyers located in Harare refused the MLF case when its leaders were accused of treason. Abammeli was created in reaction to ZLHR’s decision not to support the MLF leaders, demonstrating how Matabeleland’s legal and state awareness were moulded historically by the rule of law. The legal team for Abammeli identified themselves as Matabeleland inhabitants and citizens first and foremost. They also articulated a view of citizenship that gave legislation validity if it safeguarded a shared humanity rather than a particular group of people.
Ability to make authoritative decisions
According to neo-realists, sovereignty is essentially the ability of the state to make authoritative decisions, Waltz (1979:96). Thus, drawing this sentiment to the Mthwakazi republic secede movement it is possible for the movement to formulate a coercive army to claim its territorial integrity resulting to intra armed conflicts in Zimbabwe. For example in January 2011, after years of civil war, the people of South Sudan voted overwhelmingly for separation from the Republic of Sudan. Accordingly, such scenarios, frequently escorts gross human rights violation. Hence leading to inevitable armed conflict that will lead to displacement.
Transitional justice configurations to address Mthwakazi movement
Conceptualizing the 2018 Sudanese case in the Mthwakazi movement in Zimbabwe, substantial autonomy mechanism can counter this conceivable armed conflict. In 2018, the warring parties in South Sudan signed the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan (R-ARCSS). This document re-establishes a transitional government, a truth commission, and outlines the general provisions of the then new government. Among those provisions, the agreement called for the recognition of thirty-two counties drawn to accommodate the various ethnic groups in the state and grants them substantial autonomy. Remarkably, the people of South Sudan, having been in the midst of ethnically driven conflict since 2013, view this agreement with cautious optimism. Thus, it is recommended that the government and the National Peace Reconciliation Commission (NPRC) should construct and implement substantial autonomy agreements as inclusivity mean for national peace building.
In view of power-sharing mechanism in national peace building , the approach can yield much as it accommodate ethnic group demands through devolving power to subnational factions and can help integrate regional groups into a central government. This often takes the form of coalition cabinets or reserved executive positions for certain groups. In both cases, power sharing is a tool to abate conflict, lessen tensions among politically salient ethnic or minority actors, and ultimately help states transition into full democracy.
Conclusion
Indisputably, the success of the Mthwakazi Republic to secede from the central government of Zimbabwe is likely to motivate a series of periodic armed conflicts in Zimbabwe. However, the government and the National Peace Reconciliation Commission (NPRC) can incorporate valid actions to abate the feasible armed conflict. Notably through transitional justice frameworks, like segmental autonomy and proportional representation in the cabinet consequently do away with “the winner takes it all” approach.
Donewell Muzivi and Panashe Muchongwe are 4th Year students studying BSC Honors in International With Africa University
